October 15, 2026
Call of the Nation – Rumah Hashem
The economic crisis in Lebanon is no longer limited to declining incomes and the erosion of purchasing power, but its repercussions extend to food and social security, in light of the continued rise in prices and the widening gap between wages and the cost of living. With the decline in the ability of families to secure their basic needs, the availability of food commodities in the markets is no longer sufficient to guarantee citizens’ access to them, after their prices exceeded the capabilities of large segments of society, which places food security facing increasing challenges.
Social indicators reveal the extent of the pressures facing Lebanese families, as recent UNICEF data indicate that 4 out of every 5 families face difficulty in securing their basic needs, while 22% of families reported that their children went to bed hungry during the previous two weeks. Also, 31% of families reported that their children did not receive the health care they needed due to the inability to afford it, while 14% reported that at least one child was involved in the labor market. These numbers reflect the depth of the social repercussions of the economic crisis, at a time when there are increasing fears of widespread food deprivation and declining living standards.
Is Lebanon facing a new famine?
Professor of Economics at the Lebanese University, Jassem Ajaqa, confirms to “Nidaa Al Watan” that “Lebanon is not facing a severe famine, according to the fifth stage of the Integrated Interim Classification of Food Security (IPC), but it is suffering from an unprecedented structural crisis in food security, resulting from extreme poverty and the almost complete collapse of the “entitlement” system, that is, the ability of individuals to obtain food.”
He explains, “Famine is usually used to describe situations in which lack of access to food reaches extreme levels, and is often associated with the disruption of physical food supply chains. This does not apply to the Lebanese case, as supply chains are still working, while food products are available on store shelves thanks to private companies importing goods from abroad.”
But Ajaqa points out that “the essence of the crisis lies in the ability to purchase food, not in its availability, after retail prices rose to levels that far exceed the purchasing power of income earned in local currency, which deprived large segments of citizens of securing their food needs on a regular basis.”
In his explanation of this phenomenon, Ajaqa relies on the “entitlement” framework developed by economist Amartya Sen to understand the causes of famines. This concept is based on the fact that the inability of individuals to purchase food, as a result of the collapse of their ability to generate income, whether through wages, liquid assets, or social transfers, may expose them to the risk of famine. This differs from situations that result primarily from an interruption in food supplies, as occurred during the Great Famine in Lebanon in 1915.
In the current Lebanese situation, Ajaqa believes that “the collapse of the ability to secure financial resources, despite the continued availability of food in the markets, has created conditions in which the most vulnerable and low-income families live in what can be described as a ‘micro-famine’, a condition whose severity is exacerbated by severe inflationary pressures.”
Families’ resilience
Ajaqa points out that “the ability of Lebanese families to bear the financial and physical burdens has reached its maximum limits, in light of declining incomes and rising costs of living. The data on which it is based show that 80% of the Lebanese are unable to secure their basic needs due to high inflation rates, while 22% of children suffer from malnutrition as a result of food shortages, and 14% of them are involved in various forms of child labor.”
He explains that “Lebanese families, before the current economic crisis, relied on four basic sources to absorb economic shocks and mitigate their repercussions, but these means have been largely exhausted, which has weakened their ability to withstand the harsh living conditions.”
These means include cash savings in foreign currencies, remittances, family support, and charitable assistance. With the decline of these resources, families have become more vulnerable to price fluctuations and erosion of incomes, while their ability to compensate for the shortfall in their basic needs has diminished.
Ajaqa added, “The conversion of tangible assets, such as real estate and gold, into cash contributed to the depletion of resources that constituted a safety net for families. This coincided with a decline in the quality of the diet, as a result of replacing protein sources with low-cost starchy foods, which led to increased reliance on cheap carbohydrates and exacerbated food insecurity, especially among low-income families.”
Money transfers
Regarding the role of financial transfers in limiting the repercussions of the crisis, Ajaqa points out that Lebanon receives approximately 6 to 7 billion dollars annually from these transfers, but their distribution does not meet in a balanced manner the needs of the various social groups, as the largest share of them goes to the wealthiest groups.
On the other hand, he points out that “families belonging to the lowest income bracket, that is, the poorest 40% of the population, receive, according to the received estimates, only less than 15% of the total remittance flows, even though this category includes the largest number of children who suffer from food insecurity.”
According to Ajaqa, this disparity reflects “the limited ability of financial transfers to provide a comprehensive social protection network, as their resources do not reach sufficiently the most vulnerable groups, who face increasing difficulties in securing food and basic needs. Therefore, the size of transfers alone is not sufficient to evaluate their social impact, but must also look at how they are distributed and the extent to which they reach the most needy families.”
Additional taxes
Ajaqa warns that “financial shocks resulting from regressive tax policies increase pressure on people with limited income, because these policies impose a greater relative burden on them compared to higher-income groups. In this context, the example of the 300,000 Lebanese pound tax on the purchase of a can of gasoline is highlighted, which is reflected in an increase in the costs of transportation, logistics services, and the delivery of basic goods.”
He explains, “The impact of these taxes is not limited to the amount paid directly by the consumer, but extends to the costs of transporting and distributing goods, which leads to an increase in the prices of basic products. Low-income families bear the brunt of these increases more, given that they are also directly affected by the rise in transportation costs and fees for private electric generators.”
Ajaqa stresses that “these families do not have a wide margin to absorb any new financial burdens, in light of their limited incomes and the continuing rise in prices. Therefore, the additional burden is quickly reflected in their food consumption, whether through reducing the number of meals or lowering their quality, which exacerbates food insecurity and increases the risks associated with nutrition and health.”
Food security crisis
Ajaka believes that “Lebanon has passed the stage of the economic crisis linked to poverty, to enter into a structural and chronic crisis in food security, which, according to its classification, falls within the third and fourth stages of the Integrated Interim Classification of Food Security (IPC).”
He explains that “poverty and food insecurity, although closely related, are not identical concepts. Poverty is determined based on the level of a family’s income compared to a specific reference line, while food insecurity is linked to the family’s actual ability to convert its available financial resources into food that provides the minimum number of calories and nutrients needed daily.”
Accordingly, the presence of income does not necessarily mean that a family is able to secure its food needs, especially when prices exceed its purchasing capabilities. The basic criterion, in this case, is not limited to the size of income, but also includes what food this income can buy, and its sufficiency to meet daily needs.
Ajaqa links the aggravation of the crisis to the contraction of the overall economy under the weight of severe stagflation, pointing to “estimates indicating a decline in real GDP by 10%. In light of the stagnation of wages and the continuation of regressive tax policies, pressures are increasing on the most vulnerable groups, and increasing segments of workers are pushing towards more severe levels of food deprivation, despite their continued presence in the labor market.”
