Lina Fakhruddin wrote in “Al -Akhbar”: About a century ago, and the relationship of the Jablati and the Arslans is firmly and down. As political differences often overwhelmed them, which sometimes evolved into bloody accidents. These differences have reached the point of conviction of the supporters of the “Al -Mir” by standing the chosen behind the “kidnapping” of the empty seat, which was left in favor of Representative Talal Arslan in Alia, by pouring more than 2000 “socialist” votes in favor of Mark Dou, who became a deputy thanks to her. As for the “great blow”, it was before it in 2005, when Walid Jumblatt succeeded in seizing the opportunity of “picking” one of the young men who were raised in the circle of Khaldeh, which is Faisal Al -Sayegh, and gifted him the seat of the “Mir” father and the son, after being defeated by Talal Arslan, in cooperation with Hizbullah at the time.
However, despite the tide and the islands in the relationship of the Druze duo, the two exceeded the results of the parliamentary entitlement, and we were able to accomplish a political reconciliation between their parties in 2023, it was completed with alliances or coordination in more than one region in the recent municipal elections. It became ordinary to meet Jumblatt and Arslan in many meetings followed by the Syrian file, the last of which was their meeting with the Mufti of the Republic Sheikh Abdel Latif Drian and a number The Mufti of the regions. From this standpoint, the concerns of the two house have always prompted their arrangement of the Druze House and their constant endeavor to converge and openness in turn looking at their differences. In addition, the “one blood” that takes place in the veins of the two families due to multiple marriages; In summary, “Al -Baik” in the end is the son of Mai Mikib Arslan, and “Al -Mir” is the son of Khawla Rashid Jumblatt. Despite its interim harmony, their vision of the Syrian file is marred by many differences, at the level of direct intervention in As -Suwayda. While Arslan restricted his role in “confirming the protection of the Druze in Syria without negotiating with them or deciding instead of their leaders,” some accuse the “Gustalati group” of contacting some armed Druze factions in Syria. The two men also differ about the origin of the provision of support to the government of Syrian President Ahmed al -Shara. Arslan sees in the Sharia government a “terrorist government”, while the Mukhtara prefers to negotiate with him to attack him. While some believe that the initial agreement between the two leaders has decreased recently after Arslan saw that the unity of the path with Jumblatt loses it from his fans, but their circles confirm the opposite.
And isolated from the failure to open the electoral debate, but the two parties have their weightings that this rapprochement and positive in the GBC -Armani relationship will eventually lead to “cooperation” without being able to define the form of this cooperation currently. It is also worth taking into account the possibility of filtering Majeed Talal Arslan instead of his father, who may have his own options. Knowing that the openness between Jumblatt the father and the father of the father was reflected in their two sons, Timur and Majeed, as evidenced by the continuous meetings between them and their tours in the regions, which comes under Walid and Talal’s insistence on the inheritance of their closeness to their two sons.

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