– Samar dies
Sectarianism in Lebanon is no longer a marginal issue, but has returned to the forefront of the scene strongly, clearly heard in the street and through social media, and manifested regrettably with every security escalation or Israeli attack. The voice of supporters of the “resistance” weapon is rising, considering the confrontation a matter of “dignity and pride,” while others refuse to involve the country in a new war and demand the disarmament of “Hezbollah” to cut off any pretext for the Israeli enemy to launch repeated attacks.
The dispute in Lebanon is not limited to political views, but rather extends to exchanging accusations of treason, as each party accuses the other of loyalty to external powers. This accuses his opponents of belonging to an Iranian axis, while he accuses the other of being collaborators or “Zionists.” In the midst of these conflicting slogans, the division in society increases, and the Lebanese seem to live in two separate worlds, each with its own story, fears, and priorities.
In this charged atmosphere, the idea of citizenship fades, and sectarian and sectarian identities overwhelm any comprehensive national affiliation, which raises the old question: Is it still possible to build a unified national identity in a country whose divisions are renewed with every crisis?
In this context, Dr. Faryal Halawi, a specialist in social psychology, believes that the concept of citizenship in Lebanon is still weak and difficult to achieve, due to the social structure that focuses on factional affiliations more than national affiliation. She points out that “the prevailing discourse often raises slogans of openness and acceptance of others, but these slogans quickly fade away upon the first test, as sectarian and sectarian identities advance, and individuals return to their groups in search of safety.”
This reality reflects an established pattern in society, where narrow identities are resorted to whenever there is no state capable of providing protection. Halawi recalls what Ibn Khaldun said about the decline of tribal fanaticism in favor of a strong state, considering that “the absence of this model in Lebanon explains the return of individuals to their primary affiliations.” She refers to what was stated in Amin Maalouf’s theses, especially in his book “Fatal Identities,” where he explains that most conflicts in the world arise under ethnic, religious, or class labels. She confirms that “this proposal applies to a large extent to the Lebanese reality, where “partial identity” turns into a primary driver of conflict, in light of the decline of the concept of citizenship.”
Halawi explains that the aggravation of this situation is also linked to the role of “electronic armies” that fuel hate speech and refuse to accept other opinions, leading to dangerous levels of “exclusion” and “blood tests” that may amount to justification for violence. She adds, “Some groups resort to amplifying fear of the ‘internal other’ in order to strengthen their audience and maintain their cohesion, although this ‘enemy’ is often imaginary or exaggerated in its portrayal.”
On the other hand, Halawi believes that “volunteer work constitutes one of the basic approaches to breaking these barriers, as it allows individuals to meet apart from narrow affiliations, and enhances the human view of the other.” She points out that “in the field, the volunteer does not ask about the identity of the person helping him, but rather deals with him as a human being, which contributes to reducing the level of fanaticism. However, she regrets that these initiatives often remain circumstantial, appearing during crises and then retreating.”
Citizenship in Lebanon appears to be an unfinished project, due to continuing divisions and the difficulty of building a state capable of absorbing all its citizens. Halawi emphasizes that “getting out of this reality requires reconsidering social and cultural education and promoting inclusive human values that go beyond narrow affiliations.”
Lebanon has always been distinguished from others in the Arab world by the multiplicity of its sects and the diversity of its components, a diversity that was supposed to be a source of strength, not a cause of conflict. Is it time for the Lebanese to realize the value of this pluralism and protect it from sliding into the rhetoric of betrayal and hatred that threatens what remains of this unique model?
